The Myth of Yellow InfallibilityThe Myth of Yellow Infallibility

1. Imeldific Jewelry. – When Marcos went into exile, did Cory Aquino’s relatives and friends take from Malacañang seven (7) suitcases of Imelda’s jewelry to be deposited in a doctor’s house in Dasmariñas Village, Makati? Did only three (3) suitcases later surface to be deposited with the central bank? Did a relative of Cory Aquino commute between the Philippines and Hong Kong to have the Imeldific jewelries reset by a Hong Kong Milton Hotel jeweler to change their appearance? Didn’t Cory Aquino admit on public TV that an Imeldific necklace ended up with her daughter Ballsy, but she supposedly told her to return it to Joker Arroyo? Didn’t Joker Arroyo later say on TV that he doesn’t remember Ballsy returning to him a necklace?

2. Romualdez Companies. – Did Cory Aquino permit, during her first month in office, the transfer of the 38 companies owned by Marcos’s brother-in-law, Kokoy Romualdez, to Aquino’s own brother-in-law, Ricardo "Baby" Lopa? Weren’t the assets of the Marcoses and the Romualdezes supposed to be sequestered by the new Aquino administration? Why were Kokoy Romualdez’s 38 companies, worth billions of pesos, not turned over to the PCGG? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the questioned ownership of the companies without resorting to the Sandiganbayan?

Was Amalgamated Motors, which had a license to import British vehicles, among those taken over, and then later used to import Simba armored vehicles for the Armed Forces in 1992? Didn’t the Army actually prefer the US V-150 over the British Simba?

3. PLDT. – Did Cory Aquino order the transfer of the billion-dollar Philippine Long Distance Company, then controlled by the Marcoses, to her own Cojuangco nephews she claimed were illegally eased out by Marcos? If the controlling shares were ill-gotten, weren’t they supposed to be sequestered by PCGG? Again how did Aquino come to decide on the ownership of the shares by herself without resorting to the Sandiganbayan?

4. PAL. – Did Cory Aquino approve in January 1992 the sale by GSIS of 67% of the stocks of the Philippine Air Lines (PAL) to an investment group headed by one of her Tanjuatco, and three Cojuangco, nephews? Did this sale result in a $300-million, or more, loss to GSIS? Is it true that Aquino’s nephews did not have the money to pay for the airline stocks, so they borrowed the money from 3 government-owned banks to pay GSIS, using the PAL stocks as collateral?

5. Meralco. – Did Cory Aquino order the transfer of the controlling shares of Meralco, then controlled by the Marcoses, to Aquino’s allies the Lopezes she claimed were forced to sell-out by Marcos? Did the Lopezes get back the shares without paying a single centavo? Didn’t the Lopezes earlier seek a Marcos government bail-out since they could no longer pay Meralco’s debts of about P100 million? If the assets were ill-gotten, why were the shares not sequestered by the PCGG? Didn’t Joker Arroyo admit to media that Meralco was returned to the Lopezes based only on Cory Aquino’s verbal instructions? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the alleged forcible sell-out without resorting to the courts? Did the Lopezes reciprocate Aquino’s act of bypassing the courts by accommodating the Cojuangcos as their silent partners in Meralco?

Manila Times, 14 May 2008, Government still owns Meralco, Efren L. Danao.
Cecilio T. Arilio, Greed & Betrayal, pp. 109-116.

6. ABS-CBN. – Did Cory Aquino direct the transfer of the media network ABS-CBN, then controlled by the Marcos ally Roberto Benedicto, to Aquino’s own allies the Lopezes she claimed were unlawfully eased out by Marcos? Again did the Lopezes get back the company without paying a single centavo? Why was the company not sequestered instead by the PCGG? How did Aquino come to decide by herself the alleged unlawful take-over of the company without resorting to the courts? Did the Lopezes reciprocate Aquino’s act of bypassing the courts by accommodating the Cojuangcos as their silent partners in ABS-CBN?

Cecilio T. Arilio, Greed & Betrayal, pp. 109-116.

7. Hacienda Luisita. – Did Cory Aquino promulgate a “midnight decree”, just before she lost legislative powers as revolutionary President, that provided for the exemption of large estates from land reform through a stock option clause (EO 229)? Was the stock option exemption clause later adopted by the Aquino Congress? Did Aquino actually intend to exempt Hacienda Luisita from the beginning, while she exhorted all the other landowners to give up their lands for agrarian reform?

Did Jose Cojuangco, Sr., father of Cory Aquino, secure the transfer of Central Bank’s international reserves to Manufacturer’s Trust Company in New York, and obtain a loan from the GSIS, to finance his private acquisition of Hacienda Luisita in 1957? Didn’t the government loan and assistance come with a condition to distribute the land to the farmers by 1967? Didn’t the Cojuangcos refuse to distribute the land come 1967 by insisting on legal technicalities that there were no tenants at the hacienda? If the obligation to distribute were indeed void as argued by the Cojuangcos, doesn’t that make the GSIS loan and Central Bank assistance unlawful for being without a public purpose?

After the Marcos government sued the Cojuangcos to compel the distribution, didn’t Cory Aquino as the new President secure the dismissal of the case before the Court of Appeals in 1988, through the government’s own motion to dismiss by promising that the hacienda will be distributed anyway under its agrarian reform program? Aren’t the Cojuangcos still in possession of the hacienda until today continuing its long-standing resistance to compulsory distribution?

8. Garchitorena Land Scam. – Did Cory Aquino know about the fraudulent land deal from Father Joaquin Bernas about a month before it was exposed in Congress by Rep. Edcel Lagman, but chose to keep silent about it because it involved Romeo Santos, an associate of her brother Jose “Peping” Cojuangco, who played a key role in Aquino’s campaign against Marcos in Bicol? Didn’t the DAR under Secretary Philip Juico almost succeed in purchasing the 1,888-hectare Garchitorena estate in Camarines Sur from Sharp International Marketing for P62.7 million under CARP’s Voluntary Offer to Sell (VOS) program, when Sharp acquired the same property as foreclosed asset from UCPB for only P3.8 million one year before? Did Romeo Santos finance the anomalous transaction by providing funds to Sharp president Alex Luna for the land purchase before trying to sell it to the government?

9. SCTEX Exit. – Did Cory Aquino personally lobby with Gloria Arroyo to construct at government expense an interchange along the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway that led directly to a private road of Hacienda Luisita’s Central Techno Park? Aren’t companies that wish to have exits that lead directly to their private properties the ones to pay the government for these exits? Isn’t this the practice in the South Luzon Expressway where private companies paid the PNCC for special “private” exits?

10. Hacienda Luisita Massacre. – Did 7 farmers actually die during the Hacienda Luisita massacre of November 2004, because Dinky Soliman insists that she saw only 2 dead bodies? After the massacre, were 6 more farmer supporters killed one by one from December 2004 through October 2005?

Posted by Dodong aka Ka Kiko at 2:47 AM –